History+of+the+Troubles

=Northern Ireland's violent history explained= IN ASSOCIATION WITH Page last updated at 11:29 GMT, Tuesday, 28 June 2011 12:29 UK

Ninety years ago Ireland was split in two - after people living there went to war against their British rulers. The south became a separate Irish state which we now call the Republic. But the break-up led to decades of unrest and violence in Northern Ireland, which remained part of the UK. There are two main sides: The period known as 'The Troubles' began in the late 1960s and lasted for nearly 30 years. British troops were deployed to Northern Ireland, at first to protect Catholics, but soon became involved in bursts of fierce fighting with paramilitary groups. Thousands of people on both sides were killed by bombs and bullets, while republican groups also launched attacks on the UK mainland.
 * Nationalists or republicans, who are mainly Catholic, believe the north should join a united, independent Ireland.
 * Unionists or loyalists, who are more often Protestant, think Northern Ireland should stay as part of Great Britain.

What's the situation in Northern Ireland now?
NI Police still regularly carry guns The Good Friday Agreement was signed in 1998 and was seen as a major step towards peace in Northern Ireland. It led to the Northern Ireland Assembly being set up. It makes many political decisions affecting people in Northern Ireland and has members from all sides of the community. But there are fears that violence is returning, especially in areas where Protestants and Catholics live closely together. Ronan Kerr, a 25-year-old police officer, was killed by a car bomb in Omagh in April. That was followed in June by several nights of rioting in East Belfast. Three people were shot in the city's worst street violence in a decade.

Who are the main groups?
From http://www.bbc.co.uk/newsbeat/13941061
 * **DUP - Democratic Unionist Party** - The largest party in Northern Ireland. DUP leader Peter Robinson is also Northern Ireland's first minister.
 * **Sinn Fein** - The largest nationalist party in Northern Ireland. It is seen as the political arm of the IRA and is the second biggest party on the NI Assembly
 * **UUP - Ulster Unionist Party** - The second-biggest unionist party, but has lost some of its support over the last few years
 * **IRA - Irish Republican Army** - A paramilitary group which was set up to fight for a united Ireland, but is now committed to peace. A splinter group called the **Provisional IRA** was responsible for much of the republican violence during the Troubles. Other terrorist groups have grown out of the IRA, including the **Real IRA** and **Continuity IRA** (which are both also known as **Óglaigh na hÉireann**).
 * **UVF - Ulster Volunteer Force** - A loyalist paramilitary group which was set up to fight the IRA. Police blamed the UVF for starting the recent trouble in Belfast.
 * **PSNI - Police Service of Northern Ireland -** Northern Ireland's own police force was set up to replace the RUC (Royal Ulster Constabulary), which was seen by some nationalists as too closely linked to British authorities. Some violent republicans consider PSNI officers as fair targets.

Bloody Sunday (Ireland), incident in Northern Ireland in 1972 in which a number of protestors taking part in a banned march in Londonderry (Derry) were shot by the British Army. In Ireland, for 50 years the term “Bloody Sunday” evoked a memory of November 21, 1920, when 14 British secret service men were simultaneously killed by the Irish Volunteers in their Dublin homes, and in retaliation Auxiliary police killed 12 spectators and players and injured 60 others at a Dublin football match. But since Sunday January 30, 1972 the term has been re-applied to the shooting of 26 men, 13 fatally, by the British Army in Londonderry following a banned march protesting against internment (imprisonment without trial). British troops had been sent into Northern Ireland in 1969 to support the local police in a period of rising civil disturbances (see The Troubles) but their presence in itself inflamed feelings and they had become the target of terrorist attacks by the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Internment was introduced in 1971. Civil rights campaigners sought to protest against the measure by organizing a march. The Chief Superintendent of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), Frank Lagan, had recommended that in order to avoid serious violence the proposed march be allowed to proceed, but that the marchers be photographed with a view to possible prosecution. However at that point in time the commander of the 1st Parachute Regiment had already received orders to prepare for service in Londonderry and their subsequent intervention followed military orders to undertake the arrest operation that led to the shooting. The circumstances of the shooting are controversial. The incident provoked widespread criticism and protests and was followed soon after by the suspension of the Northern Ireland parliament at Stormont and the imposition of direct rule from the British parliament in Westminster. The British Ministry of Defence claimed that the soldiers began to fire only after two sets of high velocity shots were fired at them and a nail bomb was about to be thrown, adding that they “fired only at identified targets—at attacking gunmen and bombers”. However, seven months after the event the Coroner investigating the deaths—a former British officer, Major Hubert O’Neill—stated: “I would state without any hesitation that it was sheer unadulterated murder.” Twenty years later British Prime Minister John Major admitted in the House of Commons that those who were killed “should be regarded as innocent of any allegation that they were shot while handling firearms or explosives”. The controversy over the shooting was intensified by the manner in which Lord Chief Justice Widgery carried out his inquiry in the aftermath of the affair. On the occasion of his appointment, in response to a reminder given by the then British Prime Minister Edward Heath that in Northern Ireland there was a propaganda as well as a military war, he proposed that the “inquiry be restricted to what actually happened in those few minutes when men were shot or killed; this would enable the Tribunal to confine the evidence to eye-witnesses”. However in carrying into practice even this limiting decision the Lord Chief Justice actually confined his examination of eye-witness statements collected and submitted by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association to 10 out of 700 such statements, selected for him by his staff. The inquiry also failed to deal with allegations from eye-witnesses that soldiers on the Derry Walls overlooking the area also opened fire—allegations that have since been confirmed by the discovery of a recording of contemporary Army radio communications. For all these reasons, and because of the continuing negative impact on Northern nationalist opinion of the way in which the Widgery Tribunal acted, a new Tribunal was established on January 29, 1998, to inquire further into this episode, taking into account new relevant information. Its chairman is Lord Saville of Newdigate, assisted by two Commonwealth judges.
 * Bloody Sunday (Ireland)**

Contributed By: Garret FitzGerald, Ph.D. Former Prime Minister of Ireland. Former Lecturer in Political Economics, University College, Dublin. Author of Planning in Ireland; State-Sponsored Bodies; Towards a New Ireland; Unequal Partners; Estimates for Baronies of Minimum Levels of Irish Speaking, 1771-1871; The Israeli-Palestinian Issue; and All in a Life. "Bloody Sunday (Ireland)," Microsoft® Encarta® Online Encyclopedia 2007 http://au.encarta.msn.com © 1997-2007 Microsoft Corporation. All Rights Reserved. © 1993-2007 Microsoft Corporation. All Rights Reserved.

Contents • 1 Events of the day o 1.1 The Dead • 2 The perspectives and analyses on the day • 3 The Saville Inquiry • 4 Impact on Northern Ireland divisions • 5 Artistic reaction • 6 References • 7 Further reading • 8 External links o 8.1 The events of the day o 8.2 Contemporary newspaper coverage o 8.3 Importance and impact
 * Bloody Sunday (1972)**
 * From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.**

Bloody Sunday (1972) From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Contents • 1 Events of the day o 1.1 The Dead • 2 The perspectives and analyses on the day • 3 The Saville Inquiry • 4 Impact on Northern Ireland divisions • 5 Artistic reaction • 6 References • 7 Further reading • 8 External links o 8.1 The events of the day o 8.2 Contemporary newspaper coverage o 8.3 Importance and impact

The Bogside area viewed from the city walls Bloody Sunday (Irish: Domhnach na Fola) is the term used to describe an incident in Derry, Northern Ireland, on 30 January 1972 in which 26 civil rights protesters were shot by members of the 1st Battalion of the British Parachute Regiment led by Lieutenant-Colonel Derek Wilford and his second-in-command Captain (later General) Mike Jackson, who had joint responsibility for the operation, during a Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association march in the Bogside area of the city. Thirteen people, six of whom were minors, died immediately, while the death of another person 4½ months later has been attributed to the injuries he received on the day. Two protesters were injured when run down by army vehicles.[1] Many witnesses including bystanders and journalists testify that all those shot were unarmed. Five of those wounded were shot in the back. Two investigations have been held by the British Government: • The Widgery Tribunal, held in the immediate aftermath of the event, largely cleared the soldiers and British authorities of blame, but was criticised as a "whitewash".[2][3][4] • The Saville Inquiry, established in 1998 to look at the events again (chaired by Lord Saville of Newdigate), has yet to report as of May 2007. The Provisional Irish Republican Army's (IRA) campaign against Northern Ireland being a part of the United Kingdom had begun in the two years prior to Bloody Sunday, but perceptions of the day boosted the status of and recruitment into the organisation.[5] Bloody Sunday remains among the most significant events in the recent troubles of Northern Ireland, arguably because it was carried out by the army and not paramilitaries, and in full public and press view.[6] Events of the day

A mural in Derry. Many details of the day's events are in dispute, with no agreement even on the number of marchers present that day. The organisers, "Insight", claimed that there were 30,000 marchers; Lord Widgery, in his tribunal, said that there were only 3,000 to 5,000. In The Road To Bloody Sunday, local GP Dr. Raymond McClean estimated the crowd as 15,000, which is the figure used by Bernadette Devlin McAliskey in Parliament. A wealth of material has been produced relating to the day, including numerous books and articles, as well as documentary films made on the subject.[7] The march's planned route had taken it to the Guildhall, but because of army barricades it was redirected to Free Derry Corner. A small group of teenagers broke off from the main march and persisted in pushing the barricade and marching on the Guildhall. They attacked the British army barricade with stones and shouted insults at the troops. At this point, a water cannon, tear gas and rubber bullets were used to disperse the rioters. Such confrontations between soldiers and youths were common, though observers reported that the rioting was not intense.[8] Two people were shot and wounded by soldiers on William Street. At a certain point, reports of an IRA sniper operating in the area were allegedly given to the Army command centre. The order to fire live rounds was given, and one young man was shot and killed when he ran down Chamberlain Street away from the advancing troops. This first fatality, Jackie Duddy, was among a crowd who were running away. He was running alongside a priest, Father Edward Daly, when he was shot in the back. The aggression against the British troops escalated, and eventually the order was given to mobilise the troops in an arrest operation, chasing the tail of the main group of marchers to the edge of the field by Free Derry Corner. Despite a cease-fire order from the army HQ, over a hundred rounds were fired directly into the fleeing crowds by troops under the command of Major Ted Loden. Twelve more were killed [1], many of them as they attempted to aid the fallen. Fourteen others were wounded, twelve by shots from the soldiers and two knocked down by armoured personnel carriers. The Dead

Mural by Bogside Artists depicting all who were killed by the British Army on the day. • John (Jackie) Duddy (17). Shot in the chest in the car park of Rossville flats. Four witnesses stated Duddy was unarmed and running away from the paratroopers when he was killed. Three of them saw a soldier take deliberate aim at the youth as he ran. Uncle of Irish boxer John Duddy.[9] • Patrick Joseph Doherty (31). Shot from behind while attempting to crawl to safety in the forecourt of Rossville flats. Doherty was the subject of a series of photographs, taken before and after he died by French journalist Gilles Peress. Despite the evidence of "Soldier F" that he fired at a man holding and firing a pistol, Widgery acknowledged that the photographs showed Doherty was unarmed, and that forensic tests on his hands for gunshot residue proved negative.[9][10] • Bernard McGuigan (41). Shot in the back of the head when he went to help Patrick Doherty. He had been waving a white handkerchief at the soldiers to indicate his peaceful intentions.[11] • Hugh Pious Gilmour (17). Shot in the chest as he ran from the paratroopers on Rossville Street.[9] Widgery acknowledged that a photograph taken seconds after Gilmour was hit corroborated witness reports that he was unarmed, and that tests for gunshot residue were negative.[11] • Kevin McElhinney (17). Shot from behind while attempting to crawl to safety at the front entrance of the Rossville Flats. Two witnesses stated McElhinney was unarmed.[9] • Michael G. Kelly (17). Shot in the stomach while standing near the rubble barricade in front of Rossville Flats. Widgery accepted that Kelly was unarmed.[9] • John Pius Young (17). Shot in the head while standing at the rubble barricade. Two witnesses stated Young was unarmed.[9] • William Noel Nash (19). Shot in the chest near the barricade. Witnesses stated Nash was unarmed and going to the aid of another when killed.[9] • Michael M. McDaid (20). Shot in the face at the barricade as he was walking away from the paratroopers. The trajectory of the bullet indicated he could have been killed by soldiers positioned on the Derry Walls.[9] • James Joseph Wray (22). Wounded then shot again at close range while lying on the ground. Witnesses who were not called to the Widgery Tribunal stated that Wray was calling out to say that he could not move his legs before he was shot the second time.[9] • Gerald Donaghy (17). Shot in the stomach while attempting to run to safety between Glenfada Park and Abbey Park. Donaghy was brought to a nearby house by bystanders where he was examined by a doctor. His pockets were turned out in an effort to identify him. A later police photograph of Donaghy's corpse showed nail bombs in his pockets. Neither those who searched his pockets in the house nor the British army medical officer (Soldier 138) who pronounced his death shortly afterwards say they saw any bombs. Donaghy had been a member of Fianna Éireann, an IRA-linked Republican youth movement.[9] Paddy Ward, who gave evidence at the Saville Inquiry, claimed that he had given two nail bombs to Donaghy several hours before he was shot dead.[12] • Gerald (James) McKinney (34). Shot just after Gerald Donaghy. Witnesses stated that McKinney had been running behind Donaghy, and he stopped and held up his arms, shouting "Don't shoot! Don't shoot!", when he saw Donaghy fall. He was then shot in the chest.[9] • William A. McKinney (27). Shot from behind as he attempted to aid Gerald McKinney (no relation). He had left cover to try to help the older man.[9] • John Johnson (59). Shot on William Street 15 minutes before the rest of the shooting started. Johnson died of his wounds 4½ months later, the only one not to die immediately or soon after being shot.[9] The perspectives and analyses on the day

Mural by Bogside Artists depicting Father Daly waving a white handkerchief while trying to escort the mortally wounded Jackie Duddy to safety. Thirteen people were shot and killed, with another man later dying of his wounds. The official army position, backed by the British Home Secretary the next day in the House of Commons, was that the Paratroopers had reacted to the threat of gunmen and nail-bombs from suspected IRA members. However, all eye-witnesses (apart from the soldiers), including marchers, local residents, and British and Irish journalists present, maintain that soldiers fired into an unarmed crowd, or were aiming at fleeing people and those tending the wounded, whereas the soldiers themselves were not fired upon. No British soldier was wounded by gunfire or reported any injuries, nor were any bullets or nail-bombs recovered to back up their claims. In the events that followed, irate crowds burned down the British embassy in Dublin. Anglo-Irish relations hit one of their lowest ebbs, with Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs, Patrick Hillery, going specially to the United Nations in New York to demand UN involvement in the Northern Ireland "Troubles". Although there were many IRA men — both Official and Provisional present at the protest, it is claimed they were all unarmed, apparently because it was anticipated that the Paratroopers would attempt to "draw them out".[13] MP Ivan Cooper had been promised beforehand that no armed IRA men would be near the march. Many of the Paratroopers who gave evidence at the Tribunal testified that they were told by their officers to expect a gunfight and had been encouraged to "get some kills". In the event, one man was witnessed by Father Edward Daly and others haphazardly firing a revolver in the direction of the paratroopers. Later identified as a member of the Official IRA, this man was also photographed in the act of drawing his weapon, but was apparently not seen or targeted by the soldiers. Various other claims have been made to the Saville Inquiry about gunmen on the day.[14] The official coroner for the City of Derry/Londonderry, retired British army Major Hubert O'Neill, issued a statement on August 21, 1973, at the completion of the inquest into the people killed.[15] He declared: “ It strikes me that the Army ran amok that day and shot without thinking what they were doing. They were shooting innocent people. These people may have been taking part in a march that was banned but that does not justify the troops coming in and firing live rounds indiscriminately. I would say without hesitation that it was sheer, unadulterated murder. ” Two days after Bloody Sunday, Parliament adopted a resolution for a tribunal into the events of the day, resulting in Prime Minister Edward Heath commissioning the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Widgery to undertake it. Many witnesses intended to boycott the tribunal as they lacked faith in Widgery's impartiality, but were eventually persuaded to take part. Widgery's quickly-produced report — completed within ten weeks (April 10) and published within eleven (April 19) — supported the Army's account of the events of the day. Among the evidence presented to the tribunal were the results of paraffin tests, used to identify lead residues from firing weapons, and that nail bombs had been found on the body of one of those killed. Tests for traces of explosives on the clothes of eleven of the dead proved negative, while those of the remaining man could not be tested as they had already been washed. Most Irish people and witnesses to the event disputed the report's conclusions and regarded it as a whitewash. It is now widely accepted that the nail bombs photographed on Gerard Donaghy were planted there after his death, and firearms residue on some deceased came from contact with the soldiers who themselves moved some of the bodies, or that the presence of lead on the hands of one (James Nash) was easily explained by the fact that his occupation involved the use of lead-based solder. In fact, in 1992, John Major, writing to John Hume stated:[16] “ The Government made clear in 1974 that those who were killed on 'Bloody Sunday' should be regarded as innocent of any allegation that they were shot whilst handling firearms or explosives. I hope that the families of those who died will accept that assurance. ” In January 1997, the United Kingdom television station Channel 4 carried a news report that suggested that members of the Royal Anglian Regiment had also opened fire on the protesters and could have been responsible for 3 of the 14 deaths. On May 29, 2007 it was reported that General Sir Mike Jackson, second-in-command of 2 Para on Bloody Sunday, said: "I have no doubt that innocent people were shot".[17] This was in sharp contrast to his insistence, for more than 30 years, that those killed during on the day had been members of the IRA.[18] The Saville Inquiry Main article: Bloody Sunday Inquiry

The city Guildhall, home to the Inquiry. Although British Prime Minister John Major rejected John Hume's requests for a public inquiry into the killings, his successor, Tony Blair, decided to start one. A second commission of inquiry, chaired by Lord Saville, was established in January 1998 to re-examine 'Bloody Sunday'. The other Judges were John Toohey QC, a former Justice of the High Court of Australia with an excellent reputation for his work on Aboriginal issues (he replaced New Zealander Sir Edward Somers QC, who retired from the Inquiry in 2000 for personal reasons), and Mr Justice William Hoyt QC, former Chief Justice of New Brunswick and a member of the Canadian Judicial Council. The hearings were concluded in November 2004, and the report is currently being written. The Saville Inquiry is a more comprehensive study than the Widgery Tribunal, interviewing a wide range of witnesses, including local residents, soldiers, journalists and politicians. The evidence so far has undermined to some extent the credibility of the original Widgery Tribunal report. Allegations were made that some bodies were placed next to guns and explosives, and other substances (including playing cards) have been found to cause false positives in tests for explosives. Some of the scientists responsible for the original reports to the Widgery Tribunal now dismiss the interpretations that were put on their findings by the Ministry of Defence. Lord Saville has declined to comment on the Widgery report and has made the point that the Saville Inquiry is a judicial inquiry into 'Bloody Sunday', not the Widgery Tribunal. Evidence given by Martin McGuiness, the deputy leader of Sinn Féin, to the inquiry stated that he was second-in-command of the Derry branch of the Provisional IRA and was present at the march. He did not answer questions about where he had been staying because he said it would compromise the safety of the individuals involved. A claim was made at the Saville Inquiry that McGuinness was responsible for supplying detonators for nail bombs on Bloody Sunday. Paddy Ward claimed he was the leader of the Fianna Éireann, the youth wing of the IRA in January 1972. He claimed McGuinness, the second-in-command of the IRA in the city at the time, and another anonymous IRA member gave him bomb parts on the morning of 30 January, the date planned for the civil rights march. He said his organisation intended to attack city-centre premises in Derry on the day when civilians were shot dead by British soldiers. In response McGuinness rejected the claims as "fantasy", while Gerry O’Hara, a Sinn Féin councillor in Derry stated that he and not Ward was the Fianna leader at the time.[12] Many observers allege that the Ministry of Defence acted in a way to impede the inquiry.[19] Over 1,000 army photographs and original army helicopter video footage were never made available. Additionally, guns used on the day by the soldiers that could have been evidence in the inquiry were lost by the MoD.[20][21] The MoD claimed that all the guns had been destroyed, but some were subsequently recovered in various locations (such as Sierra Leone, Beirut, and Little Rock, Arkansas) despite the obstruction.[22] By the time the inquiry had retired to write up its findings, it had interviewed over 900 witnesses, over seven years, making it the biggest investigation in British legal history.[21] The cost of this process has drawn criticism. In June 2003, the cost incurred so far in pursuit of the inquiry was given as £113.2 million.[23] One year later in June 2004 the cost was given as £130 million.[24] The total cost is expected to be around £155 million.[21] In mid-2005, the play Bloody Sunday: Scenes from the Saville Inquiry, a dramatisation based on the Saville inquiry, opened in London, and subsequently travelled to Derry and Dublin.[25][26] The writer, journalist Richard Norton-Taylor, distilled four years of evidence into two hours of stage performance by Tricycle Theatre. The play received glowing reviews in all the British broadsheets, including The Times: "The Tricycle's latest recreation of a major inquiry is its most devastating"; The Daily Telegraph: "I can't praise this enthralling production too highly... exceptionally gripping courtroom drama"; and The Independent: "A necessary triumph".[27] Impact on Northern Ireland divisions

Bloody Sunday memorial in the Bogside. Despite the controversy, all sides agree that 'Bloody Sunday' marked a major negative turning point in the fortunes of Northern Ireland. Harold Wilson, then the Leader of the Opposition in the Commons, reiterated his belief that a united Ireland was the only possible solution to Northern Ireland's Troubles. William Craig, then Stormont Home Affairs Minister, suggested that the west bank of Derry should be ceded to the Republic of Ireland. When it arrived in Northern Ireland, the British Army was welcomed by Roman Catholics as a neutral force there to protect them from Protestant mobs, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and the B-Specials.[28] After Bloody Sunday many Catholics turned on the British army, seeing it no longer as their protector but as their enemy. Young nationalists became increasingly attracted to violent republican groups. With the Official IRA and Official Sinn Féin having moved away from mainstream Irish nationalism/republicanism towards Marxism, the Provisional IRA began to win the support of newly radicalised, disaffected young people. In the following twenty years, the Provisional Irish Republican Army and other smaller republican groups such as the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) mounted an armed campaign against the British, by which they meant the RUC, the British Army, the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) of the British Army (and, according to their critics, the Protestant and unionist establishment). With rival paramilitary organisations appearing in both the nationalist/republican and unionist/loyalist communities (the Ulster Defence Association, Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), etc on the loyalist side), a bitter and brutal war took place that cost the lives of thousands. Terrorist outrages involved such acts as the killing of three members of a pop band, the Miami Showband, by a gang including members of the UVF who were also members of the local army regiment, the UDR, and in uniform at the time, and the killing by the Provisionals of Second World War veterans and their families attending a war wreath laying in Enniskillen. With the official cessation of violence by some of the major paramilitary organisations and the creation of the power-sharing executive at Stormont in Belfast under the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, the Saville Tribunal's re-examination of the events of that day is widely hoped to provide a thorough account of the events of Bloody Sunday. Artistic reaction

Bloody Sunday mural in Derry The incident has been commemorated by U2 in their 1983 protest song "Sunday Bloody Sunday". There was also another song by the Stiff Little Fingers called "Bloody Sunday." The John Lennon album Some Time In New York City features a song entitled "Sunday Bloody Sunday", inspired by the incident, as well as the song "The Luck of the Irish", which dealt more with the Irish conflict in general. (Lennon was of Irish descent.) Paul McCartney (also of Irish descent) issued a single shortly after Bloody Sunday titled "Give Ireland Back to the Irish", expressing his views on the matter. It was one of few McCartney solo songs to be banned by the BBC.[29] The Celtic metal band Cruachan also addressed the incident in the song Bloody Sunday.[30] Christy Moore's song "Minds Locked Shut" on the album "Graffiti Tongue" is all about the events of the day, and names the dead civilians. The events of the day have also been dramatised in the two 2002 films, Bloody Sunday (starring James Nesbitt) and Sunday by Jimmy McGovern. Brian Friel's 1973 play The Freedom of the City deals with the incident from the viewpoint of three civilians.

References 1. ^ 'Bloody Sunday', Derry 30 January 1972 - Names of the Dead and Injured CAIN Web Service, 23 March 2006. Retrieved 27 August 2006. 2. ^ David Granville (28 July 2005). More 'butcher' than 'grocer'. The Morning Star. Retrieved on 2007-05-18. 3. ^ Nick Cohen (1 February 2004). Schooled in scandal. The Guardian. Retrieved on 2007-05-18. 4. ^ 1972: 'Bloody Sunday' report excuses Army. BBC News. Retrieved on 2007-05-18. 5. ^ Peter Pringle & Philip Jacobson (2000). Those Are Real Bullets, Aren't They?. London: Fourth Estate. ISBN 1-84115-316-8. P. 293: "Youngsters who had seen their friends die that day flocked to join the IRA..." 6. ^ Eamonn McCann (2006). The Bloody Sunday Inquiry - The Families Speak Out. London: Pluto Press. ISBN 0-7453-2510-6. P. 4-6 7. ^ 'Bloody Sunday', Derry 30 January 1972 - Details of Source Material CAIN Web Service, 23 March 2006. Retrieved 27 August 2006. 8. ^ Peter Pringle & Philip Jacobson (2000). Those Are Real Bullets, Aren't They?. London: Fourth Estate. ISBN 1-84115-316-8. P. 100: "... the level of rioting was no greater than usual - and no petrol bombs or nail bombs were being thrown." 9. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m 'Bloody Sunday', Derry 30 January 1972. CAIN. Retrieved on 2007-05-16. 10. ^ Inquiry urged to identify soldiers. BBC News (23 May 2002). Retrieved on 2007-05-16. 11. ^ a b Widgery Report. CAIN. Retrieved on 2007-05-18. 12. ^ a b John Innes (21 October 2003). McGuinness is named as bomb runner. The Scotsman. Retrieved on 2007-05-18. 13. ^ David Sharrock (30 March 2000). Rumours of plan to clear Bogside are 'nonsense'. The Daily Telegraph. Retrieved on 2007-05-17. 14. ^ Bloody Sunday Inquiry Transcript - Day 008 (6 April 2000). Retrieved on 2007-05-17. 15. ^ 'Bloody Sunday', 30 January 1972 - A Chronology of Events CAIN Web Service, 23 March 2006. Retrieved 27 August 2006. 16. ^ Don Mullan (1997). Eyewitness Bloody Sunday. Wolfhound: Printing Press. ISBN 0-86327-586-9. 17. ^ "Bloody Sunday victims 'innocent'", BBC News Online, 2007-05-29. Retrieved on 2007-05-29. (in English) 18. ^ "Bloody Sunday victims innocent says Jackson", Irish News (Belfast newspaper), May 29, 2007, pp 1 and 11 19. ^ Bloody Sunday footage release calls. BBC News (30 January 2003). Retrieved on 2007-05-18. 20. ^ Concern over Bloody Sunday guns. BBC News (3 April 2000). Retrieved on 2007-05-18. 21. ^ a b c Q&A: Bloody Sunday inquiry. The Guardian (22 November 2004). Retrieved on 2007-05-18. 22. ^ Philip Jacobson (14 August 2005). Riddle of the Derry guns. The Sunday Times. Retrieved on 2007-05-18. 23. ^ Chris Boffey (17 September 2003). Bloody Sunday Para faces jail for contempt. The Daily Telegraph. Retrieved on 2007-05-18. 24. ^ Saville inquiry judges retire. BBC News (23 November 2004). Retrieved on 2007-05-19. 25. ^ Liz Hoggard (27 March 2005). Out of crises, a drama. The Guardian. Retrieved on 2007-05-19. 26. ^ Bloody Sunday:Scenes from the Saville Inquiry. www.dublinks.com. Retrieved on 2007-05-19. 27. ^ BLOODY SUNDAY: Scenes from the Saville Inquiry. Tricycle Theatre. Retrieved on 2007-05-19. 28. ^ This "Honeymoon period", as it has come to be known, ended around the time of the Falls Road Curfew on 3 July 1970. See CAIN for details here. It is also worth mentioning that the 'B-Specials' were disbanded and replaced by the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) on 1 April 1970. 29. ^ The seven ages of Paul McCartney BBC News Entertainment, 17 June 2006. Retrieved 27 August 2006. 30. ^ CRUACHAN INTERVIEW WITH Keith Fay! Giancarlo Bolther, rock-impressions.com. Retrieved 27 August 2006. Further reading • Tony Geraghty (2000). The Irish War. Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 0-8018-7117-4. • Dr Raymond McClean (1997). The Road To Bloody Sunday (revised edition). Guildhall: Printing Press. ISBN 0-946451-37-0. (extracts available online) • Eamonn McCann (1998). Bloody Sunday In Derry. Brandon: Printing Press. ISBN 0-86322-139-4. External links • The Bloody Sunday Trust • Madden & Finucane Bloody Sunday index • CAIN Web Service Bloody Sunday index • Guardian Coverage • The Widgery Report (from Cain website) • The Saville Inquiry official website • BBC Coverage of the Saville Inquiry • "Bloody Sunday" film from 2002 The events of the day • Guardian Interactive Guide • BBC Interactive Guide [edit] Contemporary newspaper coverage • "13 killed as paratroops break riot" from The Guardian, Monday January 31, 1972 • "Bogsiders insist that soldiers shot first" from The Guardian, Tuesday February 1, 1972 [edit] Importance and impact • "Shootings 'triggered decades of violence'" Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bloody_Sunday_%281972%29"